דר. דוד קרעמער
לערענט אפ די מכילתא (בחודש פ״י):
רַבִּי מֵאִיר אוֹמֵר (דברים ח ה) "וְיָדַעְתָּ עִם לְבָבֶךָ, כִּי כַּאֲשֶׁר יְיַסֵּר אִישׁ אֶת בְּנוֹ, ה׳ אֱלֹקיךָ מְיַסְּרֶךָּ." יְהִי לִבָּךְ יוֹדֵעַ מַעֲשִׂים שֶׁעָשִׁיתָ, וְיִסּוּרִין שֶׁהֵבֵאתִי עָלֶיךָ, שֶׁלֹּא לְפִי מַעֲשֶׂיךָ הֵבֵאתִי עָלֶיךָ אֶת הַיִּסּוּרִין.
אז הגם דאס באדייט בעצם אז די ייסורין זענען
ווייניגער ווי די שורת הדין נותנת, טוישט דאס אבער די געדאנק פון יסורין מחמת ״עונש״ צו יסורין מחמת ״מוסר וחינוך״:
All this being said, there is little doubt that the noted ambiguity is itself part of the message. Indeed, the comparison to the punishment of a child by a parent opens up another interpretive possibility that has important consequences. Amos, it will be recalled, argued that God more readily punishes Israel, God's beloved people, for lesser sins. On the human plane, as well, it may be appreciated that parental discipline, intended to correct the child, may sometimes be even harsher than the wrongdoing. Considered on either level, it is evident that, just as parental discipline might be less severe than the crime, so too might it be more severe. What distinguishes parental discipline is that it often does not correspond exactly to the crime. Correspondence is the way of justice, not of parental love. Thus whichever way parental discipline is imagined, it is correct to say "not according to your deeds have I brought suffering upon you"
In the present context, it is this latter point that is most crucial. This midrash argues explicitly, for the first time in the rabbinic context, that suffering, as discipline (and not as punishment in the penal sense), does not correspond exactly with the measure of sin. Contrary to the claim of Mishnah Sotah, this is not a world that is judged according to a measure-for-measure system. If it is not strict justice that we insist upon, then, of course, suffering is far less of a problem. Simply put, if suffering is not punishment, it must be something else. In this simple, brief step, the necessary relationship of correspondence between sin and suffering has been severed, Once it has been admitted, as in this text, that the correspondence is not necessary, then it is possible to redefine completely the place of suffering in the system. Crucially, it is also possible, with this redefinition, to confront reality more directly. With this severing accomplished, it is never again necessary to face the reality of suffering and pretend that it is absolutely just. Suffering can now be salvaged, but in a different guise — with a different purpose
Of course, this is not the first time that this relationship has been severed. Job and Ecclesiastes, in the canonical context, deny the direct and necessary relationship between sin and suffering
וכמובן איז די געדאנק פון ״אנדרלמוסיה באה לעולם״ נישט אין איינקלאנג מיט מדה-כנגד-מדה של עונש. ווי אויך זאגט ער אויף די מדרש דארט פריער בפ״ט:
"מִי יִתֵּן וְהָיָה לְבָבָם זֶה", (דברים ה כט) אִלּוּ אֶפְשָׁר לְהַעֲבִיר מַלְאַךְ הַמָּוֶת הָיִיתִי מַעֲבִירוֹ, אֶלָּא שֶׁכְּבָר נִגְזְרָה גְּזֵרָה.
אז:
That is to say, death is ever-present, by virtue of divine fiat. Having thus been fixed in the world, it is now impossible even for God to remove death. This means, of course, that even if there were to be a perfectly righteous individual she would die because of the universalism of the decree. Accordingly, death is assuredly not simple punishment
ואפילו לפי ר׳ יוסה וואס קריגט זיך דארט און האלט אז עס איז יא בטל געווארן ביי מתן תורה און נאר וועגן חבלתם מעשיכם נאכדעם בחטא העגל איז עס צוריקגעקומען (ועיין בע״ז ה.), איז עס אבער נאר אלס ״פועל ונפעל״, נישט אלס ״מדה כנגד מדה״ ממש.
ולגבי דעם אז עס איז נישט געווען א
פראטעסט מהלך אין די פריע מדרשים, שרייבט ער:
In his Consolation to His Wife, Plutarch writes: "For reverent language toward the Deity and serene and uncomplaining attitude toward fortune never fail to yield an excellent return. ... It ill becomes us to fall into this state by cavilling at our own life for receiving ... a single stain." If this is the conception of piety of one prominent Greek pagan in the period not too long before the composition of this midrash, then how could the neighboring rabbis demand less?
און אז מ׳האט
דערמאנט דעם
קוּבּלער-ראָס מאדעל, איז דאס וואס ער שרייבט בנוגע דעם פארוואס די מדרשים און תוספתא רעדן מער איבער טעאדיסי וצער ובפרט במה שנוגע להחורבן, ווי איידער די
משנה:
If the Mishnah wanted to ignore the destruction, the Tosefta doesn't allow us to turn aside from that reality; if the Mishnah admitted only the ideal, the midrashim are too concerned with suffering and its justification to believe that the world at hand is really ideal. These are important differences in tone and judgment, and exegeses of these documents as a whole do not explain them
But if we consider these developments against the background of the history of Jews in Palestine in the third century, and the history of rabbinic Judaism in particular, they begin to make sense. First, mere chronological distance from the catastrophes of the first and second century may allow the authors of the Tosefta, and less so those who composed the contemporary midrashim, to begin speaking more directly of those events. Observers of human nature have noted that the first response to personal catastrophe is often denial. Only with the passage of time are those who have experienced loss able to face their losses and begin feeling their pain. Perhaps similar forces are at work here on the communal level. The passage of time itself may have granted these rabbinic authors license to address issues which their teachers were still compelled to avoid
עס איז אויך אינטרעסאנט די מעגליכע סיבה ער געבט אָן פארוואס ווי שפעטער די מאמרי חז״ל זענען געזאגט/געשריבן געווארן, אלס מער האבן זיי אנערקענט אין די רעות און אלס מער אפגענויגט פון א טרוקענע עונש טעאדיסי:
The rabbinic movement, later in the third century, was experiencing small but still important developments. Lee Levine documents the decline in patriarchal status during this period, as attested in the later rabbinic record. If the rabbinic patriarchate suffered a diminution in power, then the rabbinic movement, which also enjoyed some benefits of the patriarchal prerogative, must similarly have suffered. Even if the movement's popular influence was increasing, as it may well have been, the loss of this stake in official power must have had an impact on the rabbis' status. At the same time, testimony preserved in the Bavli suggests that the power of Palestinian rabbis over the movement as a whole, now with a more significant presence in Babylonia, was in the process of weakening. Babylonian sages were asserting their own right to teach Torah. They no longer necessarily looked for "Torah to come out from Zion." In addition, the flourishing contact between the two rabbinic centers, with messengers constantly relating the teachings of one community in the other, could only have reinforced to the Palestinian rabbis that their movement was increasingly diverse and beyond their immediate influence. To the extent that the Palestinians experienced the Babylonian movement as part of their own, their sense of command of the group and respected status at its center must have diminished accordingly. These shifts in the social and political dimensions of Palestinian rabbinism may also have contributed to the ideological developments traced earlier. Cohesive enough still to insist upon defenses of God's justice, this community was no longer able to suppress the question of suffering and its justifications, even within its own ranks. As structures of inside and outside, center and periphery, became less secure, rabbinic society would no longer support single explanations of its suffering. The classical view remained at the center, to be sure, but other explanations, suppressed in the earlier rabbinic movement, began to find a place by its side
ער קלערט אויך אז דאס וואס חז״ל האבן אָנגעהויבן אָנצונעמען אז דער צדיק ליידט און ווערט נתפס אלס עונש על עוונות דורו, הגם ער אליין איז אומשולדיג (אפילו וואו עס איז נישט געווען שייך ער זאל זיי מוכיח זיין), וכעין מה דאיתא בירושלמי שבת (טז א), איז מכח אַן אינפלוענס פון די נוצרים וואס האבן דאס געזאגט אויף אותו האיש:
it is difficult not to wonder what influence the historical context may have had in motivating such an approach to the problem. Perhaps because of the Christian affection for this paradigm, the rabbis had to naturalize this justification of suffering and claim it as their own. Their reappropriation of this more ancient vision, in light of its recent history in Christianity, is an act of courage and imagination
ער זאגט ווייטער אז די ירושלמי, וואס איז געווען אין א״י וואו מ׳האט מער מורא געהאט פון אפפארן צו די נוצרים וואס זענען געווען בתוקף שם און איז דעריבער געווען מער טראדיציאנאל אין טעאדיסי פון פשוט׳ע שכר ועונש און איז געווען קעגן פּראטעסט, האט טאקע אפגעלערענט ספר וסיפור איוב אנדערש ווי דער בבלי:
The same contrast between the two Talmuds may be evident in their respective comments on Job (y. Sot. 5:6, 20c and b. B.B. 15a). The Yerushalmi objects to a tradition, attributed to R. Shimeon b. Laqish, that "Job never existed and never will exist." It concludes that "He existed but his suffering never happened." So why, the Yerushalmi wants to know, did the biblical text report that it had happened? "To say that if they [= the sufferings] had come upon him he could have withstood them." With this resolution, the Yerushalmi accomplishes two purposes: (1) it removes the obvious injustice assumed by the book (Job was righteous, therefore it would have been improper for God to permit him to suffer in order to accept Satan's challenge); (2) it demonstrates that a righteous individual (Job) could, if necessary, withstand suffering — apparently without protest or complaint. This latter understanding is in accord with the Yerushalmi's opinion, discussed above. In contrast, the Bavli records the opinion that Job never existed (among many different opinions) without such a revision and without reference to the problem of nonsubmissive responses to suffering
ער זאגט אויך, לגבי דאס וואס איז סתם אזוי שווער אויף אונזער טעזע, בנוגע דאס וואס ס׳שטייט בע״ז ה. אז בעת מתן תורה עד שחטאו בעגל איז דאך מיתה יא בטל געווארן? (וכן היא בויק״ר חי ג - ר' יהודה אמר חירות ממלאך המות ר' נחמן אמר חירות מן המלכיות ורבנן אמרי חירות מן היסורין ע״ש.) שרייבט ער:
But more interesting is the hope, imagined to have been realized in that brief period between revelation and sin, that suffering, oppression, and death would in a more perfect world disappear. We might admit that such a hope is natural. But its very expression invites us, the readers, to compare what might have been with what is. And what is, for the authors of this midrash, is a reality consumed by the very harvests (suffering, oppressive governments, the Angel of Death) of which the text speaks. The contrast between the imagined Edenic condition at Sinai and the bitter reality on the outside, set up unavoidably by the authors here, may be taken as a subtle critique of the world of mundane experience
דער יפה תואר איז מפרש דארט אויפ׳ן מדרש:
היה מאת ה׳ לסייעם לסלק מהם הטרדת החומר, והוא קריאת מלאך המות, כי החומר היא יצה״ר הוא מלאך המות (ב״ב טז.) ואמר שלא ישלוט בהם להיותם בניו, והוא הדמותם לו בשכל בכל האפשרי להם כדמיון הבן לאב